It has nothing to do with its content, but with something more important, its actual implementation. The country and the international community are witnesses to how the agreement between the National Government and the FARC-EP, a true peace treaty that put an end to the longest armed conflict on our continent, gets stuck and entangled when it comes to State compliance.
Peace and reconciliation have dangerous enemies. In the FARC, confrontation was always interpreted as the result of primacy, in the conduct of the State, of forces opposing dialogue and the political treatment of problems. Having achieved the signing of the Final Agreement represented the victory of different conceptions, the materialization of a bloc that said “no more” to war.
The polarization of the country is nothing more than the obsessive resistance of those positions understanding nothing but imposition and violence. In the international arena, the achievement of peace in Colombia is considered as a great example.
Above and beyond the passionate positions, the awarding of the Nobel Prize to President Santos certifies this. Only here, on account of the irrationality of hatred, does peace constitute an affront.
The number of FARC prisoners remains considerable. If we abide by the letter and spirit of the Final Agreement, the amnesty law, its regulatory decrees and other provisions, not a single one of them should be behind bars. A tangle of pretexts ranging from the Office of the High Commissioner of Peace to judges of execution of sentences insist on making dead letter of what has been agreed in Havana.
Cases such as Roberto Sepúlveda Muñoz, who died last week as a result of a long illness neglected by his jailers in Barne, Jose Angel Parra, seriously ill in La Picota, or the Negro Antonio who suffers from serious conditions in Cómbita, can only be explained by the persistence of grudges in certain administrators of justice, which even prevail over the laws themselves.
Such resistances represent much more than the stubbornness of a few individuals clogged in the State. They are the expression of a policy that survives in all the stages of national life. This policy manifested in the opposition of important sectors to the special circumscriptions of peace that would allow real access to the legislative power, of regions and communities historically excluded from it.
Such a policy followed by Prosecutor Martinez, according to which the Colombian conflict is only attributable to the FARC and can only involve criminal investigations and sanctions for the FARC, with a scandalous indifference to the thousands of massacres and the millions displaced by paramilitarism, as well as towards the massive illegal business enrichment derived from violent dispossession and towards the victims of state violence in camps and cities.
That policy, rather than helping the economic, social and cultural reincorporation of the guerrilla that has abandoned its arms, is committed to make it difficult and to put any kind of obstacles in front of any possibility of interpreting the agreements to their benefit. The health of former guerrillas, the real possibility of initiating work and productive projects, turning the basic aid for their survival, everything seems to interfere so that it would never arrive.
It is not, as might be thought lightly, a breach of commitments towards the FARC by the Establishment. This is a breach of commitments towards the whole country. The Final Agreement begins with a point on Land and then follows with another about openness and democratic participation. The first is complemented by the Agreement on illicit crops and against corruption. Then comes the Integral system of truth, justice, reparation and non-repetition.
The central idea of the Final Agreement was to stop the war and remove the violence from Colombian political scene. As a consequence, a democratic expansion in all areas of national life would flourish. A huge flow of forces bet on this and still believes in that.
Those who think that with their political, electoral or legal manoeuvres will eventually crush that unstoppable Colombian aspiration should think about this twice and not fool themselves.
Politics is not done or defined in a day, it is a continuous process in movement. Colombia went through many decades of violence before building the Peace Agreement, and that powerful political accumulation beats in the heart of the country.
We have opened way to a decent country, and nobody would be able to close it.
It is time for national mobilization against hatred and for peace. No one is beaten here.
Incessant struggle is the patrimony of the people, and in each moment and situation they find how to do it. Peace will triumph.